CHAPTER THREE
(Book pages: 57 – 70) Genotropism and Family Relationships.)
I. Vocational
Selection
In his
extensive family studies Szondi raised the question of vocational choice. Does
genotropism play a role in the selection of work? Do hereditary factors guide
us toward particular vocations, whether in the industrial or service sectors?
Common sense tends to exclude genetic origins of vocational choice and
emphasizes social and economic factors instead.
If, however, we
view the family as an evolving, trans-generational system, we will find
evidence of genotropic patterns of vocational selection. For example, some
families exhibit paranoia, homosexuality, and suicide along with
artistically-gifted members; other families have deaf or hard-of-hearing members
together with those who show outstanding musical ability. This fact is well
illustrated in the biography of Beverly Sills, the renown opera singer. Her
daughter “Muf! is deaf (Sills and Linderman 1987, 139). Her son “Bucky” is deaf
as well as retarded, autistic, hyperactive, and epileptic. Likewise, she has
one step daughter who is retarded.
Carriers of
specific hereditary tendencies are inclined to take certain jobs. This does not
entail a precise one-to-one correlation between every vocation and every person.
Thus, not every ballet star is a latent homosexual, not every pastor a latent
epileptic, and not every psychiatrist a latent schizophrenic. Rather,
genotropic evidence points to probabilities among heterozygotes, who bear
selection pressures toward corresponding kinds of work.
We choose jobs
according to whether we descend from predominately paroxysmal, schizoform,
contact, or sexually abnormal families. Tendencies in these family groups
exhibit appropriate genotropic selection, because members have the potential
for the major psychiatric disorders.
Chapter Three:
Genotropism and
Family Relationships
I. Vocational
Selection
In his
extensive family studies Szondi raised the question of vocational choice. Does
genotropism play a role in the selection of work? Do hereditary factors guide
us toward particular vocations, whether in the industrial or service sectors?
Common sense tends to exclude genetic origins of vocational choice and
emphasizes social and economic factors instead.
If, however, we
view the family as an evolving, trans-generational system, we will find
evidence of genotropic patterns of vocational selection. For example, some
families exhibit paranoia, homosexuality, and suicide along with
artistically-gifted members; other families have deaf or hard-of-hearing
members together with those who show outstanding musical ability. This fact is
well illustrated in the biography of Beverly Sills, the renown opera singer.
Her daughter “Muf! is deaf (Sills and Linderman 1987, 139). Her son “Bucky” is
deaf as well as retarded, autistic, hyperactive, and epileptic. Likewise, she
has one step daughter who is retarded.
Carriers of
specific hereditary tendencies are inclined to take certain jobs. This does not
entail a precise one-to-one correlation between every vocation and every
person. Thus, not every ballet star is a latent homosexual, not every pastor a
latent epileptic, and not every psychiatrist a latent schizophrenic. Rather,
genotropic evidence points to probabilities among heterozygotes, who bear
selection pressures toward corresponding kinds of work.
We choose jobs
according to whether we descend from predominately paroxysmal, schizoform,
contact, or sexually abnormal families. Tendencies in these family groups
exhibit appropriate genotropic selection, because members have the potential
for the major psychiatric disorders.
58
Sometimes,
however, serious pathologies are inherited and lead toward related professions,
even though they cannot be located in the four major psychiatric groups. For
example, cancer cuts across all four groups, and yet specialists in oncology
may study that disease because they consciously or unconsciously suffer it.
Many years ago, Johannes Fibiger, a Nobel Prizewinning oncologist, died in 1927
from the disease he studied (Szondi
1939, 56).
The following
four sections of this chapter will present and illustrate types of vocational
choices. Athough we discuss vocational selection in terms of the hereditary
drive-needs, we recognize that sometimes work is chosen to sublimate more than
one need. Gene coupling is a frequent phenomenon, and the most common need
pairings are homosexuality and paranoia, homosexuality and oral mania,
homosexuality and hysteria, sadism and epilepsy, sadism and depression,
epilepsy and paranoia, hysteria and catatonic schizophrenia, and paranoia and
depression (Szondi 1978, 338).
II. Paroxysmal
Vocational Selection
Families may be
designated paroxysmal, when they transmit hereditary epileptiform and/or
hysteriform tendencies. Paroxysmal-epileptoid family members generally feel
pent-up emotion, irritability, periodic outbursts of intense hostility, before
and after which they express deep remorse, a resolve to be good, and religious
states. They are Cain personalities who wear Abel masks.
These families
are characterized by clusters of epilepsy, migraines, stuttering, and their
equivalents, some of which are turbulent tempera ments, capacity for startle,
gross Cain emotions, rigidity, and sudden change of psychic opposites. Some
common examples of paroxysmal alternations are from calmness to restlessness,
flexibility to rigidity, modesty to grandiosity, optimism to pessimism,
vigilance to apathy, moderate eating to gluttony, abstinence to alcoholism,
timidity to verbosity, loyalty to disloyalty, sociability to solitude,
inhibited sexuality to excessive sexuality, sinfulness to holiness, domesticity
to nomadism, and affirmation of life to desire for death.
Paroxysmal
vocational selection takes place along the following lines:
(1) occupations
dominated by sense organs (e.g., smell); (2) occupations oriented toward air
(pilot, paratrooper), earth (coal miner, pioneer), water
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(sailor), fire
(smith, baker, fireman), and the psychic realm; (3) occupa tional contexts
consisting of height and depth, ascent and descent, fluctuation and rotation;
(4) occupations requiring motor vehicles; and (5) religious and other helping
professions, such as medicine, law, and social work.
Religious
professions are frequently found in paroxysmal families. In the course of several
generations epileptiform pathologies can alternate with religious activities in
accord with the Mendelian laws of recessive inheritance. Such families reveal
metaphorically an on-going struggle between Cain and Abel. Case #48 in the
Analysis of Destiny provides
an illustration
(Szondi 1978, 275-276). A male patient enters Szondi’s institute in Budapest suffering hypogenitalism. His
family is dominated by religious professions. The maternal grandfather of the
patient as well as two maternal uncles are rabbis. His father is a synagogue
cantor. The maternal grandfather is married to a woman with an epileptic
brother. The patient’s father has an epileptic cousin, and he is married to a
woman with migraines, who has two epileptic and one stuttering brothers.
A similar
example follows in case #49 of the same volume (Szondi 1978, 276-277). The
daughter of a Reformed pastor is an epileptic. Her husband is an alcoholic who
displays fits of rage and, later in his life, suffers delusions. Their marriage
produces nine children, of whom four die prematurely. Among the surviving
children, two sons become theologians, and two daughters suffer migraines. One
of the daughters gives birth to a son who, in the course of his life, exhibits
bedwetting, lying, pathological wandering, and criminal tendencies.
On the other
hand, paroxysmal-hysteroid personalities give the impression of being rough,
masculine, or violent, but they actually conceal a need for love. The need is
expressed in hysterical episodes, including theatrical displays and animal
brain behavior, such as fainting spells, self-mutilation, or stereotyped motor
movements. Hysteroid persons may identify with actors and actresses who play
tragic roles in film and the theatre. They are Abel personalities who wear Cain
masks.
Symptoms of
paroxysmal-hysteroid families include hysteria, tics, anxiety attacks, and
nightmares. Some psychological characteristics are startle behavior, acting out
and simulating, repression of feminine tenderness, Cain outbursts, and animal
defenses, such as motor disturbances, feign ing-death reflex, hypnoid talent,
egocentricity, and lack of inhibition.
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Typical
hysteriform vocational types are the theatre, politics, sports, automobile
dealerships, animal training, and those of business women.
Case #52
illustrates vocational patterns common to paroxysmal-. hysteroid families
(Szondi 1978, 283). A landowner and his wife suffer severe hypochondria. They
have five children, three of whom commit suicide. One, a daughter, has a
serious case of hysteria, and she kills herself in a hysterical attack. Another
daughter is healthy; she marries a farmer and gives birth to five children. One
child is a hysterical neurotic who acts out dramatic scenes, and the other four
children are normal. One of her healthy children, a son, becomes an actor
against his family’s wishes. His vocational choice indicates that he is
heterozygous for hysteria. He has a cousin who marries a playwright and who
descends from a family of actors.
HI. Schizoform
Vocational Selection
Some families
transmit tendencies toward schizophrenic and schizoid personalities. They may
be understood according to whether they belong to the general catatonic or
paranoid branch.
Schizoform-catatonic
families exhibit the following symptoms:
catatonia, schizoid
neurosis, asthenic neurasthenia, obsessional neurosis, and conversion hysteria.
There may be criminal tendencies, such as work-aversion, vagabonding, and
world-wandering. Some psychological characteristics are aristocratic
exclusivity, eclectic friendship choices, formal and systematic thinking,
rationalism, pedantry, humorlessness, coldness, hypersensitivity, obstinacy,
inhibition, bigotry, compulsiveness, omnipotence, and reserved personality.
Catatonic
family members are likely to select vocationally education, military service,
engineering, higher education, particularly in linguistics, logic, mathematics,
physics, philosophy, social sciences; art history and criticism; book buying
and selling; post office and telegraph services, printing, agriculture and
forestry; night watchmen; mannequin work; and outdoor work.
Case #54
illustrates this type of family circle (Szondi 1978, 286-287). The patient is a
30 year old engineer who is a severe schizoid neurotic. As a child, he was
lonely and friendless. He was, however, an excellent student. In speaking he is
painfully correct and pedantic, humorless, and
61
rationalistic.
Since puberty, he had been sexually inhibited. After four years of marriage,
his wife was still a virgin.
Both blood and
gene relatives of his belong to professions of the military, mathematics,
music, education, economics, agriculture, and art history. Two relatives are
pathological wanderers. One paternal cousin shares the patient’s schizoid
nature. The father of the patient is a world-renown musician and composer.
In contrast,
the paranoid branch of the schizoid families includes symptoms of paranoid
schizophrenia, quarrelsomeness, irritative neuras thenia, gross paranoid
illusions, paranoid homosexuality, and narcomania, involving morphine, opium,
or cocaine. Corresponding kinds of criminal activities usually consist of fraud
and embezzlement.
Paranoid
psychological characteristics include inclinations toward boasting, creativity,
psychic sensitivity, omnicompetence, psychic inflation, irrationalism,
fanaticism, exaltation, ambivalence, omnipotence, prophetic insight, magical
thinking, spiritualism, occultism, and sectarianism.
Vocations in
the paranoid group encompass exploring or directing expeditions, archeology,
geology, paleontology, mythology, research, writing, medicine, music, monastic
orders, chemistry, pharmaceuticals, prostitution, law, espionage, detective
work and natural healing arts. Astrology and graphology belong here, even
though they overlap with the hebephrenic group.
Case #55
exemplifies some of these patterns in the life of a 32 year old, female, music
teacher (Szondi 1978, 288-291). She had sought medical help for her insomnia.
Szondi’s initial analysis establishes that she is paranoid-homosexual, feeling
both passion and hatred for other women, and that she is schizophrenic.
The analysis
also discloses four phases in the life of this woman. The first began at age
13, when she felt homosexual desires for the young daughter of a neighbor and,
one year later, for a famous female pianist. She wrote poems to this pianist
and dreamed of kissing her hands and face. She reacted with hatred, however,
when the pianist rejected her. Meanwhile, at age 16, she felt sexual desire for
a female friend of her mother and, later, for a female associate of her father.
These
homosexual feelings were periodically interrupted by sexual attraction toward
men, one a musician, another a famous musical director. These heterosexual
feelings were followed, still again, by homosexual
62
feeling for a
female violin virtuoso, the wife of a lawyer, and others. All of these desires
ended in feelings of hatred toward the people. This first, homosexual phase was
also plagued by occasional crying fits as well as outbursts of rage and hatred.
The second
phase is that of religious fanaticism and illusion. While enrolled in a school
of music, she became attracted to a male student. He tells her that he has seen
Christ and has spoken to him about a life of transcendence, poverty, and
suffering. He preaches this message, and she attaches herself to him as though
he were a spiritual father. She too begins to speak of transcendence, poverty,
and suffering, but her family is shocked. She spends many hours in prayer,
petitioning the Virgin Mary to return to earth and be transfigured. She starts
converting men, even though she hates them. She adopts one young man as her
spiritual child. She tells her family that she wants to become a nun and scolds
them for not giving up their Judaism.
The third phase
is dominated by theosophy. She continues her spiritual pilgrimmage by leaving
Catholicism on the grounds that it has not solved her “psychological riddle”.
She takes up theosophy and becomes attracted to a professor of theosophy. Her
fantasies toward him are transformed onto a higher level, where she becomes his
“holy wife” and identifies with the center of the world.
In the fourth
and final phase she moves toward Hinduism and yoga. She also falls in love with
a professor of philosophy and studies meta physics. However, her original
symptoms of insomnia, fits of crying, and outbursts of rage return, so that she
has to be admitted to a hospital, where she dies, one year after receiving her
initial diagnosis.
There are
several familial patterns to be considered in this case. A brother of the
paternal grandfather is schizophrenic, and a brother of the maternal
grandmother is a schizoid eccentric. A paternal grandfather is also eccentric
as well as hypochondriac. The father and brother of the mother are quarrelsome
paranoids. The marriage of the father and mother has sexual difficulties. The
entire family has intellectual professions. For example, a maternal grandfather
is the head of a publishing house. Many family members are interested in
graphology and theosophy.
Not only does
this case illustrate the psychoanalytically documented relation between
paranoia and homosexuality, but it also demonstrates some basic dynamics of
paranoid schizophrenia. On the one hand, the
paranoid goes
beyond bodily limitations and gains a cosmic identification. On the other hand,
the move from homosexuality to fanaticism, theosophy, and Hinduism exhibits a
regression to the magical level of primitive religions. The end-stage is an
elemental union with a collective soul. The movement toward the magical-occult
level is due to the unique capacity of the paranoid to strip away bodily
limitations.
In conclusion,
paranoid-schizoform families frequently bear epileptoid symptoms, such as
migraines and stuttering, in neurotic forms. Such families often produce
psychiatrists and psychologists, who are likely to specialize in depth
psychology, psychoanalysis, and extreme disorders.
A similar
coupling of schizoform and epileptoid families is common among theologians and
students of religion. This fact may be illustrated anecdotally. In April, 1979,
a distinguished biblical scholar visited our campus, and I discussed with him
my Szondi studies. He told me that every professor of New Testament in every
major American graduate school is married to a musician. He said this could not
be a matter of chance. Appropriately, he is married himself to a musician, is
the father of an epileptic daughter, and his lectures betray intermittent gaps
known as petit mal absences.
IV. Contact
Vocational Selection
Contact
families may be broadly classified as manic or depressive. Symptoms of the
manic branch include mania, hypomania, irritative hypomanic neurasthenia,
tendency toward diabetes and gall stones, alcoholism, nymphomania, and such
criminal activities as fraud, bigamy, and impostering.
Some
corresponding behavior characteristics are optimism, hedonism, activism,
materialism, light-heartedness, freedom, lack of responsibility, geniality, and
orality. Typical vocational choices are those of an oral character (e.g.,
cooking, bartending, music, speech), banking, politics, and the performing arts
(e.g., singing, managing artists, directing music schools, writing lyric
poetry).
Symptoms of the
depressive branch embrace melancholia, cyclical depression,
irritative-depressive neurasthenia, tendency toward diabetes, and, with respect
to criminality, theft. On occasion, depression may mix with catatonia. Some of
the behavioral characteristics are clinging, death
63
64
fantasies and
disgust with life, inhibition, tendency toward crying, sentimen tality, lack of
satisfaction, scrupulosity, self-criticism, lack of appetite, and anality.
These characteristics could also take on a paranoid depression and a bi-polar
manic depression. Vocational choices are those of anal qualities (e.g., collecting
antiques), museum work, garbage disposal, tending store, painting, tanning,
chemistry, banking, and street crossing attendant.
Case #70
exemplifies this group (Szondi 1978, 307-310). The patient is an art and music
critic who lives in a foreign country. Originally, however, he wanted to be a
composer. Although married and the father of one child, he is constantly
looking for new wives. He fears the seriousness of divorce and contemplates
suicide with an oral method. He suffers periods of depression followed by those
of mania. During his manic phases, he becomes euphoric and fabricates grandiose
schemes but then slides into a manic-depressive psychosis.
The familial
background corresponds to the patient’s condition. His father, daughter, and
brother suffer manic-depression. He, a paternal uncle, paternal cousin, and a
paternal grandmother make suicide attempts with depressive periods. The
patient’s father and a gene relative of his wife have diabetes. The patient’s
daughter also has gall bladder disease.
Family members
are inclined to choose contact professions. The father and mother of the
patient are both lyrical poets. All family members tend to associate with lower
class people, which is common for contact-oriented persons. Finally, the
patient’s nephew marries a cook.
V. Sexual
Vocational Selection
Human nature is
essentially bi-sexual, a fact established in both cell and gene biology. Sexual
disturbances arise, when we cannot reconcile our respective masculine and
feminine natures. For example, sexually disturbed males display excessive
tenderness and passivity, deviation from factuality, and preference for fantasy
and subjectivity. Females show masculinity and activity, desire for facts,
objectivity, rationality, and ethical strength. Accentuation of either kind of
pattern indicates an intermediate or incompleted stage of sexual development.
The principal
forms of such disturbances are genital hermaphroditism, bodily hermaphroditism
or androgyny, transvestitism, homosexuality, and matatropic inversion.
Corresponding criminal activities are fraud, espionage,
65
and
prostitution. Vocational outlets for men are those that require a costume,
fashion designing, fine arts, dance and ballet, textiles, hair dressing,
cooking, baking or pastry-making, mathematics, music, gynecology, lyrical or
sentimental literature, and espionage. Vocational outlets for women are those
requiring male uniforms, fine arts, singing, dance and ballet, sports, manicure
and pedicure, and that of a lady’s maid.
Case #74 offers
an example for this group (Szondi 1978, 324). The patient is 43 years old,
married, and lives in a fashionable hotel. He has studied at a university and
possesses an extensive knowledge of music. Currently, he manages the hotel,
which is owned by his father. He complains of impotence toward his wife, while
being attracted to little children.
His father is a
paranoid-masochist, and the brother of the father is manic. The mother of the
patient is a hysteric who has the most energy and power in the family. A sister
of the mother is a hysterical liar. One brother of the patient is a physician,
while another brother has an impulsive domineering nature.
The other group
of sexual pathologies, besides those of gender disorders, is that of sadism.
The symptoms arc mainly active anal homosexuality, pederasty, and sodomy. The
principal criminal form is murder, which involves lust and robbery. Vocational
choices are those that use tools, such as hatchet, knife, scissors, drill,
tweezers (e.g., surgery, manicure, pathological anatomy), axe, hammer and
chisel, whip-in-hand (e.g., circus animal trainer), sports, and machinery
operator.
Sadism is
difficult to study because it may mix with other forms. For example, it could
fuse with homosexuality and take an inflative form, or it could be sublimated
as a part of a healing profession like surgery. Families of sadistic murderers
could even have religious professions, which could take extreme forms of
expression, such as monastic orders, where asceticism and flagellation are
practiced. Monks may struggle against the sexual drive or the sadistic impulse
toward cruelty.
Case #76
concerns a man born in a Swedish village in 1905 and who was raised in poverty
(Szondi 1978, 328-329). While attending school, he was a good student,
particularly in arithmetic, but he began to steal from his friends. He did not
like to work and developed interest in religious movements and rituals. For one
year he served in the Salvation Army,
66
later becoming
a Baptist and then a Pentecostal brother. He became
Pentecostal due
to his excommunication by the Baptists.
In 1931 he
suffered a hysterically-tainted mental illness with hallucin ations,
compulsions, and crying spells. In the same year he made a nonfatal suicide
attempt. Five years later he became a milkman, the significance of which, with
respect to sadism, is its connection with animals. He made a favorable
impression on people, as he delivered milk. He also expressed a desire to
conduct religious services in a local parish.
However, on the
stormy night of June 20, 1936
he stole an axe and hammer and went to the pastor’s house. The pastor welcomed
him at the front door, led him to the kitchen, where he was hit three times on
the head by the visitor with the axe. The man then ran into the bedroom, killed
the pastor’s wife, and stole money, a gold watch, and other valuables. The man
was later arrested and charged with the two homicides. The villagers believed
that the murderer was, in fact, the pastor’s son.
The murderer
had had an unhappy childhood. The mother was a washer-woman, the maternal
grandfather an alcoholic. One cousin committed forgery and fraud. The murderer
himself had a refined, effeminate appearance and red hair. Such an appearance
suggests latent homosexuality. Thus, the case manifests the linking of
homosexuality, Cain-homicidal, and sadistic-aggressive impulses.
VI. Friendship
Selection
Szondi was
often asked whether genotropism would be a factor in the
choice of
friends. He would reply affirmatively but admit the difficulty in
distinguishing
between love and friendship selection. Several case studies
are available,
showing that the inclination to choose certain friends
represents
mutually shared characteristics.
As an example,
two men have been close friends since the first grade (Szondi 1972, 92-93;
1978, 248-249). They sustain their friendship through elementary school and
university years and into adulthood. The families of both men have members with
paroxysmal-epileptiform disorders, and they are listed below in terms of their
distribution:
Male #1 Male
#2
Epilepsy 0
1
68
symptom. Be
conceptualizing reality as a whole, it is possible to discover the
relationships among diseases. For example, asthenic constitutional types
incline toward schizophrenia, peptic ulcers, and they frequently die by
tuberculosis (Szondi 1978, 343).
Disease
selection may also be governed by periods in the life cycle. Puberty and
menopause are two critical times. The central issue is which hormonal cycles
influence these periods and which gene groups are implicated. Puberty and
menopause are genetically related to such degenerative diseases as diabetes,
high blood pressure, and cancer. Hormonal crises can activate any disease in
the gene stock, influence gene tempering, and control the timing of the onset
of symptoms.
Finally,
familial heredity influences susceptibility to infections and traumas. Genes
may be latent until traumas or toxins strike. Szondi raises the question as to
why a bodily trauma produces blindness in one person, paralysis in another, and
deafness in still another. These observed conditions presuppose the fact that
genes create thresholds, which function as dispositions toward particular
disorders.
VIII. Death
Selection
The last kind
of genotropism pertains to death, and it is called thanato-genotropism or, more
simply, thanatotropism. The term derives from the Greek thanatos, which Szondi
translates as both death and murder (1978, 357). The translation reflects the
existential fact that death may be both natural and tragic. Furthermore,
thanatotropism coincides with three obvious facts: (1) everyone dies; (2) life
expectancy is inherited, and; (3) fatal diseases run in families.
First, the fact
that everyone dies corresponds to the maximum life span, which, currently, is
about 110 years. The span is evolutionarily stable, and it is acquired by
individuals at the moment of their conception. The span is
genetically-determined, species specific, and independent of the environ ment
(Walford 1984). The gene group that regulates life span also controls the
immunological system, whereby toxins are destroyed through a surveillance
mechanism. As we near the end of the life span, we become more susceptible to
degenerative diseases due to inefficiencies in the immunological system.
69
Second,
thanatotropism entails a life expectancy because of a built-in time clock in
the bodily cells. Experimental data show that bodily cells, when placed in a
culture, will divide and replicate themselves so many times and then stop
(Hayflick 1980). This fact is known as the “Hayflick limit,” and it attests to
an ancestral memory inherent in nature. There are two exceptions to the
Hayflick limit; sex and cancer cells replicate themselves indefinitely.
Third,
thanatotropism conforms not only to the fact that fatal diseases run in certain
families but also to the existence of death genes that kill either germ cells,
zygotes, or newborns (Szondi 1978, 357). We may consider the incidence of
cystic fibrosis and Tay Sachs as well as the several thousand babies born each
year so defective that they cannot survive. Some are born without skulls,
brains, or kidneys, some with defective lungs, conditions which virtually kill
them.
Familial
patterns of fatalities even extend to suicide methods. Paroxysmal-epileptoid
persons generally choose immolation and impact, that is, jumping from high
places, as means of self-destruction. Sexual suicides are characterized by
suffocation, hanging, or cruel cutting with knives, scissors, daggers, or
hatchets. Paranoids select poison and firearms, catatonics starvation. Contact
methods are primarily oral, as in an overdose.
Finally,
thanatotropism accounts for the fact that frequently murderers are related to
their victims by blood or by genes. It is even not uncom mon for victims to
choose their own murderers. The selection may occur unconsciously through
marriage choice and not become manifest for several years. Within the marriage
one partner acts so as to bring about one’s own tragic death. This potential is
particularly present in couples who descend from paroxysmal-epileptoid stock.
The relation of
victim and murderer is well known to homicide detectives, and it is represented
by a specific ritual in African tribal religion, which Szondi quotes (1978,
370) from a book entitled Jungle Ways (Seabrook 1931, 266-270). In the mountain tribe called Hebbe
there lived a
gardner, named Yaro, who killed a man named Kogu. The high priest, a relative
of the victim, consoles members of both families. The mothers of the murderer
and the victim grieve together. The murderer prays all night and, in the
morning, announces to the assembled villagers that an ill thing had befallen
both him and Kogu.
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The murderer
must now go on a three-year exile. His mother and the mother of the victim give
him food for his journey. He wanders on his exile, as though he were dead.
After the three years are ended, he returns from exile, from death, in order to
be purified. Wearing a white shroud and holding some salt, Yaro sacrifices a
black bull. He is welcomed by his family and by the family of the victim. Both
families eat the sacrificial bull. The sacrifice purifies the community.
The sacrifice
is followed by a restoration of the deceased. The family of Kogu, the murder
victim, must use its blood to bring him back to life. The high priest chooses a
boy and a girl most closely related to the deceased. In this case he selects
Kogu’s brother and a niece. They lie together, she conceives and gives birth to
a baby. The child is given the name of the deceased, Kogu, and is granted his
inheritance. Thus, the murder is expiated, and the dead person has returned to
life. This tribal custom portrays the mythic return of the ancestor within the
cosmology of primal religion.